Post by ccip on Jul 26, 2015 17:53:02 GMT -6
Year 1912 (Taisho 1)
On July 30th, 1912, the Meiji Emperor passed away at the age of 59. As ever with the discrete Japanese royalty, little was known of his health by the public, but he was thought to have been in poor health and suffering from diabetes for quite some years. Thus, his era had ended - an era of immense consequence for the nation.
When he rose to the throne as a boy, Japan was a feudal state, cut off from the outside world and ruled by a military Shogunate which exercised its power through the samurai class, banning foreigners from the country entirely and striving to preserve the dignity and tradition, often at the expense of technical, economic and social progress. The uprising which took place against the Shogunate sought to restore the Emperor from a purely ceremonial role to a supreme ruler of the country - but the Meiji Emperor proved even wiser than that. Rather than take the reins, the Emperor supported reforms which turned Japan into a constitutional state and a modern, industrialized nation, with a vibrant economy, powerful modern military, and a great deal in common with European powers. With this, came once again the ambitions of empire.
The Emperor had the misfortune of dying just hours before another very consequential item of news reached Japan: the very same day, France’s government fell in a socialist revolution.
Dogged for years by labour unrest, goods shortages, poor living conditions and political discord, France’s 3rd Republic had never been the most stable of states - rather, it was simply the compromise that was least offensive to the many fragments and classes that made up French society. France of the early 20th century was as much home to imperialistic conservatives as to radical socialists; the Republic merely allowed them to somehow coexist together.
Japan could hardly be credited as the main force behind France’s downfall - but the Empire of the Rising Sun had her role to play. Raiders and blockades caused supply shortages, and the economic hardship they created hit France’s working class the hardest - and likewise, the soldiers and sailors dying on distant lands and oceans were mostly drawn from the poorer sections of society. The slow-burning conflict with Japan was disproportionately cruel to France’s poor. The political compromise between the conservatives and socialists in France had already begun unraveling a year into the colonial war - and yet the war was fought for more than three and a half years. France’s workers, who certainly knew a thing or two about revolutions, had had enough.
The new socialist regime in France had little interest in imperial pride and military ambitions; its view, anyway, was that hostile states would be brought down not by war but by spreading global revolution. What France needed from a peace settlement was the immediate reopening of shipping lanes to bring much-needed trade from the east, and for her war-weary troops to be home. The promise was now peace at any cost - and seeing that the new French commissars had little appreciation for colonial possessions and navy ships, the Japanese diplomats were able to exact very advantageous terms for peace indeed.
The Japanese delegation for peace talks in the USA was led by Isamu Takeshıta, a former naval attache to America, as well as an experienced navy officer (he’d most recently commanded the Italian-built armored cruiser Izumo) - and he had pressed for terms that were most advantageous to the navy, rather than the army. This was largely why the resulting territorial settlement gave Japan control of the naval base at Cochin and the Gulf of Tonkin - the calculation was that together with the base at Takao, these would give Japan’s navy undisputed dominance of the South China sea. As reparations, Takeshıta also managed to secure France’s latest battleship, renamed Yamashiro:
In the meantime, crown prince Yoshihito ascended to the Chrysanthemum Throne, proclaiming the Taisho [“Great Righteousness”] era. Himself a frail and ill person, the new Emperor kept out of public view almost entirely during his reign. But it was, truly, the beginning of a new era. Although Japan ultimately won the war against France - through perseverance and determination, no doubt - many lessons were learned from the conflict, less about war and more about Japanese society. The militaristic view that Japan was a unified, unshakeable society of virtue, immune to the sorts of chaos seen in industrialized Europe, was proved to be very wrong. The very same kinds of labour unrest and hardship that toppled France’s government had come very close to doing the same in Japan.
As a result, in the post-war Japan, the army and the navy retreated into the political background, and it was bankers, industrialists and labour figures who came to be the most prominent in the era of so-called “Taisho Democracy” - a more liberal regime in Japan. The old heroes of the navy, too, retired from service quietly: Kamimura was raised to the title of marquis in the peerage; Ijuin eventually became chief of naval staff and retired with the rank of fleet admiral in 1915; Togo chose to forego public life in favour of becoming tutor to the young crown prince Hirohito, the future Japanese emperor. All three of these navy stalwarts stayed away from the politics of Taisho Democracy, but left their mark on the navy - a preference for strong, maneuverable, compact ships. The first of these, Settsu and Shikishima had ironically both entered service less than a month after the war ended:
The Settsu class of battleships, designed chiefly by Togo, set the standard for a 22-knot battle line and would remain the core of the Japanese battle fleet for more than a decade. Unlike all the other major powers, Japan chose to forego battlecruisers entirely, preferring instead to focus on cruisers and fast battleships. Togo did not have a chance to carry out his hoped renewal of the cruiser fleet with a radical “killer cruiser” concept, but Ijuin would carry on this work and eventually see it come to fruition in 1914.
In the meantime, throughout the late 1912, Japan was rebuilding its strength. Ships returned from internment. Relics of war were dispensed with. Budgets were cut, and old ships placed in reserve or mothballs.
And as a more peaceful time settled, the state set about establishing trade links, bolstering domestic shipbuilding, and passing social reforms.
A bright and peaceful future seemed to lay ahead for Taisho Democracy.
(To be continued...)
On July 30th, 1912, the Meiji Emperor passed away at the age of 59. As ever with the discrete Japanese royalty, little was known of his health by the public, but he was thought to have been in poor health and suffering from diabetes for quite some years. Thus, his era had ended - an era of immense consequence for the nation.
When he rose to the throne as a boy, Japan was a feudal state, cut off from the outside world and ruled by a military Shogunate which exercised its power through the samurai class, banning foreigners from the country entirely and striving to preserve the dignity and tradition, often at the expense of technical, economic and social progress. The uprising which took place against the Shogunate sought to restore the Emperor from a purely ceremonial role to a supreme ruler of the country - but the Meiji Emperor proved even wiser than that. Rather than take the reins, the Emperor supported reforms which turned Japan into a constitutional state and a modern, industrialized nation, with a vibrant economy, powerful modern military, and a great deal in common with European powers. With this, came once again the ambitions of empire.
The Emperor had the misfortune of dying just hours before another very consequential item of news reached Japan: the very same day, France’s government fell in a socialist revolution.
Dogged for years by labour unrest, goods shortages, poor living conditions and political discord, France’s 3rd Republic had never been the most stable of states - rather, it was simply the compromise that was least offensive to the many fragments and classes that made up French society. France of the early 20th century was as much home to imperialistic conservatives as to radical socialists; the Republic merely allowed them to somehow coexist together.
Japan could hardly be credited as the main force behind France’s downfall - but the Empire of the Rising Sun had her role to play. Raiders and blockades caused supply shortages, and the economic hardship they created hit France’s working class the hardest - and likewise, the soldiers and sailors dying on distant lands and oceans were mostly drawn from the poorer sections of society. The slow-burning conflict with Japan was disproportionately cruel to France’s poor. The political compromise between the conservatives and socialists in France had already begun unraveling a year into the colonial war - and yet the war was fought for more than three and a half years. France’s workers, who certainly knew a thing or two about revolutions, had had enough.
The new socialist regime in France had little interest in imperial pride and military ambitions; its view, anyway, was that hostile states would be brought down not by war but by spreading global revolution. What France needed from a peace settlement was the immediate reopening of shipping lanes to bring much-needed trade from the east, and for her war-weary troops to be home. The promise was now peace at any cost - and seeing that the new French commissars had little appreciation for colonial possessions and navy ships, the Japanese diplomats were able to exact very advantageous terms for peace indeed.
The Japanese delegation for peace talks in the USA was led by Isamu Takeshıta, a former naval attache to America, as well as an experienced navy officer (he’d most recently commanded the Italian-built armored cruiser Izumo) - and he had pressed for terms that were most advantageous to the navy, rather than the army. This was largely why the resulting territorial settlement gave Japan control of the naval base at Cochin and the Gulf of Tonkin - the calculation was that together with the base at Takao, these would give Japan’s navy undisputed dominance of the South China sea. As reparations, Takeshıta also managed to secure France’s latest battleship, renamed Yamashiro:
In the meantime, crown prince Yoshihito ascended to the Chrysanthemum Throne, proclaiming the Taisho [“Great Righteousness”] era. Himself a frail and ill person, the new Emperor kept out of public view almost entirely during his reign. But it was, truly, the beginning of a new era. Although Japan ultimately won the war against France - through perseverance and determination, no doubt - many lessons were learned from the conflict, less about war and more about Japanese society. The militaristic view that Japan was a unified, unshakeable society of virtue, immune to the sorts of chaos seen in industrialized Europe, was proved to be very wrong. The very same kinds of labour unrest and hardship that toppled France’s government had come very close to doing the same in Japan.
As a result, in the post-war Japan, the army and the navy retreated into the political background, and it was bankers, industrialists and labour figures who came to be the most prominent in the era of so-called “Taisho Democracy” - a more liberal regime in Japan. The old heroes of the navy, too, retired from service quietly: Kamimura was raised to the title of marquis in the peerage; Ijuin eventually became chief of naval staff and retired with the rank of fleet admiral in 1915; Togo chose to forego public life in favour of becoming tutor to the young crown prince Hirohito, the future Japanese emperor. All three of these navy stalwarts stayed away from the politics of Taisho Democracy, but left their mark on the navy - a preference for strong, maneuverable, compact ships. The first of these, Settsu and Shikishima had ironically both entered service less than a month after the war ended:
The Settsu class of battleships, designed chiefly by Togo, set the standard for a 22-knot battle line and would remain the core of the Japanese battle fleet for more than a decade. Unlike all the other major powers, Japan chose to forego battlecruisers entirely, preferring instead to focus on cruisers and fast battleships. Togo did not have a chance to carry out his hoped renewal of the cruiser fleet with a radical “killer cruiser” concept, but Ijuin would carry on this work and eventually see it come to fruition in 1914.
In the meantime, throughout the late 1912, Japan was rebuilding its strength. Ships returned from internment. Relics of war were dispensed with. Budgets were cut, and old ships placed in reserve or mothballs.
And as a more peaceful time settled, the state set about establishing trade links, bolstering domestic shipbuilding, and passing social reforms.
A bright and peaceful future seemed to lay ahead for Taisho Democracy.
(To be continued...)